It wants a Middle East strategy to avoid new crises

First, the need to focus on domestic issues, and second, on major power relations.

Iran’s nuclear deal quickly came to a standstill, and Tehran refused to accept more external demands. If Binden’s group is running corruption and shaking Iran in the face of the US Congress’s offer, it has found innovative ways to show renewed US commitment to Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa Kadimi, who desperately needs Washington’s support. Supremacy.

Recognizing our role in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and making it clear that Washington will not abandon the Saudis, Saudi Arabia has come a long way in punishing Kashoggi. Similarly, in the recent battle in Gaza, the administration has reaffirmed Israel’s right to defend itself, despite its efforts to promote immediate ceasefire and humanitarian assistance to the Palestinians.

Under bad circumstances.

Unfortunately, the Middle East has a way of coercion and while the Binden group responds well to regional challenges, it still lacks a clear regional strategy that our friends and partners will understand.

Over the past two months, the two of us have traveled to Iraq, Israel, and Saudi Arabia to meet with senior officials from all three countries. In each case, we have seized it, despite obstacles we can scarcely imagine. “

What we experienced was a constant, but confusion about what the administration wanted to achieve in the region, which felt that its policies were responsive and focused on the individual country. If Washington is to overcome that confusion, it must develop a comprehensive concept that combines all of the nation’s strategies to achieve great goals.

Universal strategies are never easy to design and cannot be easily reduced to slogans. But in the last 12 years, when the United States has been cut off from the Middle East, the legacy of the Obama and Trump regimes is important to stabilize our friends and stop our enemies and rivals.

The emptiness has contributed to the deteriorating situation in Libya, Syria, and Yemen. Internal conflicts in Egypt, Iraq and Turkey; Rise and fall of ISIS; Restoration of dictatorship after the Arab Spring hope; Hundreds of thousands killed, and millions of refugees; And on the whole, the continued growth of Iran and its proxies, which are open to exploitation as they add to the suffering of the people in the region.

The good news is that Biden and his group, the United States’ Middle East ally, have stated that they will not leave the region easily, or will not accept further hostilities and expansion, as opposed to Obama and Trump. But he did not tell them why He does that, or the roles they play in that plan.

It will be a difficult strategy to work on, as Iran has made huge gains in the region and the United States and its allies have to find ways to move back without using huge resources. At the same time, such a strategy should include initiatives to support the epidemic, the vast information region, the new global energy market, the global energy balance, and the many US regional partners struggling to cope. Associations.

But – even if it is difficult – not doing so would be costly. Without such a comprehensive strategy, no one in the Middle East would understand what the United States expects of them, what the United States plans to offer to them, or what the United States wants to create – the last state to meet them. His own interests.

A senior Middle Eastern official angered us by saying, “Don’t follow me. I’m lost.”

If US partners do not feel they know where the United States intends to lead them, or if they do little or nothing in the face of what they see as threats, they will leave on their own – and often these actions may preclude alternatives. Risk of reducing US-selected courses or new regional risks.

All of this happened in the Obama and Trump administrations during the invasion of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (Yemen). Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt and Qatar have intervened in Libya; Turkey has intervened in Syria and northern Iraq – and indeed, foreign powers such as Russia have become more involved. Israel, meanwhile, has chosen to meet Iran’s nuclear program and the threat posed by Syria in the wake of a series of airstrikes and deadly assassinations in the past.

Although we have a clear, comprehensive strategy for the region, the United States may not always be able to stop our partners from acting hastily. But if there is no one, the countries in the region are going to take one-sided courses that are not as effective as they have agreed with the United States, and this is likely to lead to a wider conflict between them and Iran’s “resistance stock.” They do not want to.

Although the United States does not want the Middle East to be a priority, the Binden administration seems to have learned that it cannot afford to ignore it. Without a comprehensive strategy for the region, Washington is in danger of exploding in a way that the region could explode Power Make America a priority. And that is the last thing President BidenJoe Biden orders two Florida school districts not to choose masks Senate Bilateral Infrastructure Bill on Tuesday Tuesday – Democrats ’55 Budget Quality Key | Job vacancies peaked for the third straight month Interests.

Kenneth M. Pollac He is a resident of the American Enterprise Institute and a former director of Gulf affairs in the National Security Council. He is the author of the recent, current and future Armis Sands of Arsam’s military success.

Dennis Ross is a consultant for the Near East Policy Institute in Washington and a respected partner of William Davidson. He served as a special assistant President ObamaBarack Hussein Obama’s tax hike hurts economy and US competition Serenity Prayer, As special Middle East coordinator under President Clinton, and Director of Policy Planning at the State Department during the first Bush administration. He co-authored with David Makovsky “Strong and Good Courage – How Israel’s Most Important Leaders Made It”. Follow him on Twitter @AmbDennisRoss.

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